Report Archeological Survey, Bear Paw by Dr. Douglas Scott
Introduction
No formal
archeological inventories have been conducted at Bear Paw
battlefield or in the immediate area. However, the battlefield has
been the focus of research and collecting efforts by numerous
individuals for many years. Only a few of these collecting efforts
are documented. The most extensive collecting efforts were
undertaken by the late Thain White of Dayton, Montana, Gordon
Pouliot of West Glacier, Montana, and Norman Johnson of Havre,
Montana. Their efforts are well documented and constitute a primary
data set of the types and quantities of camp and battle debris left
on the field after the battle (Scott 1997). Local researchers Leroy
"Andy" Anderson of Chinook and Paul English of Havre have also
identified a number of rock cairns and rock alignments both within
and adjacent to the park boundary, some of which yielded metallic
debris when they conducted some preliminary metal detecting in the
area after the 1991 range fire.
This report documents
a surface reconnaissance level inventory conducted between June 5
and 8, 2000 within the General Management Plan defined boundary. The
work was confined to visual surface
inventory only.
Project Area Location and Field Methods
The Bear’s Paw Battlefield is situated
within the open, moderately rolling prairie country of north central
Montana along and adjacent to a portion of Snake Creek. The
battlefield site is situated in the foothills of the north slope of
the Bear’s Paw Mountains and occupies portions of two distinct
topographic features. The area where the Nez Perce were camped when
attacked by the Fifth Infantry, and Second and Seventh Cavalries is
on a level, primary terrace of Snake Creek. The prairie edge and
surface to the east and west of Snake Creek is elevated from 20 to
40 feet above this primary terrace and on the east, is dissected by
several ephemeral drainage systems which trend toward the Nez Perce
camp locale from the east and southeast. The majority of the
battlefield site, and the primary locations where the U.S. Army
units took up positions against the Nez Perce are on this prairie
surface above the creek bottom.
Field Methodology
The fieldwork
consisted of the crew walking the ground in a series of parallel
transects (Figure 1) until the entire park area and adjacent lands
identified as part of the General Management Plan boundary were
covered (Figure 2). Transect spacing varied depending on vegetation
density. Spacing was approximately 3 meters in areas with good
ground visibility and extended to 10 meters between individual crew
members when grass cover was so dense as to obscure the ground
surface. Approximately 1400 acres were covered at a reconnaissance
level during the fieldwork. Nearly every area within the GMP
boundary was covered with a dense vegetative matte. Small portions
of the northwestern or Miles cannon pit area and some areas east of
the park boundary had ground visibility that approached 50%. Ground
visibility was generally less than 20% in most areas. The fieldwork
can only be characterized as a reconnaissance level. Thus only the
most visible features were seen and recorded.
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Fig 1. A view of Bear Paw Battlefield to the west during the inventory work.
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Fig 2. Map of the Bear Paw Battlefield and the surrounding area.
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Dan Foster of NEPE
ably guided the crew and maintained interval spacing. The crew was
composed of Harold Roeker (MWAC), Dick Harmon (Volunteer), Kelsey
Attenhoffer (Volunteer), Connie Constan (Volunteer), Jim Magara
(Volunteer), David Thorn (Volunteer) for the entire period of
fieldwork. Jon James (BIHO) and Tom James (Volunteer) assisted in
the inventory for two days, and the crew was joined by NEPE
Superintendent Doug Youri, Otis Halfmoon, Kathleen Halfmoon, Carol
High Eagle, and Arthur Currence (BEPA) for one day.
Standard MWAC
archaeological data‑recording methods were used in each component of
the operation as specified below. Individual artifacts were recorded
and noted in the electronic data log. Field notes were also used to
record field data. Exposed in‑place artifact specimens and
topography were photographed and recorded digitally.
Recording
After covering
several transects recording was begun. Each artifact or feature
marked by a pin flag and piece‑plotted as follows. The instrument
was set up at a selected grid coordinate marker determined by a PLGR
global positioning device. Distance and azimuth readings for each
artifact or feature were recorded in reference to the known grid
coordinates. A Sokkia total station transit was used to record the
features within the park boundary. The GPS unit was used to record
coordinates of features observed outside the park boundary.
Once the data was
collected, electronically, it was downloaded each evening into a
laptop computer using the Sokkia MAP software and AutoCad Light 98
to develop a field map. That data was edited and AutoCad Light 98
used for final map production for the report.
Prehistoric and Historic Archeology Background
Prehistoric-Protohistoric
Cultural Sequences in Northern Montana
The following information on the
prehistory of the area is borrowed from the Bear Paw prehistoric
archeological overview prepared by Rennie and Brumley (1994). Their
overview and assessment of the region's prehistoric archeology is
the best available and defines the current knowledge of the area as
well as defining some excellent research questions. Archaeologists
working on the northwestern Plains, which encompasses the project
area, have found evidence of human occupation extending back over at
least the last 11,000 years. The reader is referred to Frison
(1991), Reeves (1969, 1973, 1983), Ruebelmann (1983), Brumley and
Dau (1988), Vickers (1986) and Brumley and Rennie (1993) for a
thorough discussion of various models developed for interpreting the
region's prehistory.
Each cultural phase or complex within the
region is defined largely on the basis of one or more distinctive
projectile point styles or types. Ceramics appear intermittently
within the prehistoric cultural record of the northwestern Plains
including northern Montana during the last 2,000 years; and, where
present, provide a second major criterion for cultural
complex/phase definition. Relative and absolute dating of these
phases or complexes is based on excavation of sites where such
diagnostic forms have been found in stratified deposits. Organic
material, such as bone and charcoal, found associated with various
cultural assemblages can be radiocarbon dated, providing a close
approximation of the actual age of various materials and the
relative age of materials from non‑stratified sites. The three major
cultural periods, and their general defining characteristics are:
Early Prehistoric Period
Dating from ca. 11,000 to 7,700
radiocarbon years BP, this period contains a number of
archaeological units characterized by projectile point styles
presumably designed for use on a heavy throwing or stabbing spear.
Early Prehistoric period complexes recognized in northern Montana
include Clovis, Goshen, Agate Basin, Hell Gap, Alberta, Cody and the
Plains/Mountain and/or Foothill Mountain complexes. Early
Prehistoric period point types are generally variations on
lanceolate or stemmed forms. Early Prehistoric or Paleo Indian
peoples appear to have been primarily big game hunters with the
earliest well defined groups (Clovis/Goshen) known elsewhere to have
hunted a variety of now extinct animal species including mammoth.
Later groups generally relied on early forms of bison as their
primary food source. Evidence of stone boiling in the form of water
fractured, fire cracked rock is presently lacking for the Early
Prehistoric period. Evidence of Early Prehistoric period people in
northern Montana is limited, and is presently restricted to a number
of widely scattered surface finds which are only interpretable by
reference to excavated materials from other regions.
Materials similar to that identified
elsewhere in the northwestern Plains as Clovis or Goshen Complex
materials is represented in northern Montana by an isolated point
from northern Blaine County (Deaver 1980) and points recovered from
the surface of four campsites situated within and adjacent to the
Bears Paw Mountains in Choteau, Blaine and Hill Counties (Brumley
1988a). In addition to Clovis, an essentially complete sequence of
projectile points characteristic of the other Early Prehistoric
period complexes have been recovered at several surface sites
throughout the Bears Paw Mountains. Brekke (1970) describes surface
finds from an extensive campsite located around a major spring in
central Blaine County, just south of the Milk River valley.
Recovered materials there include Hell Gap points as well as point
types characteristic of Middle and Late Prehistoric period cultural
complexes. Within the Milk River valley to the east of Fort Belknap,
Rossillon (1985) notes finding an isolated Paleo-Indian point she
identified as Agate Basin. Ruebelmann (1983) reports on an Agate
Basin point and Deaver (1980) on an Alberta point found on the
surface at separate site localities within Phillips County to the
east of the Little Rockies. No evidence of Early Prehistoric
occupation has yet been reported within or in the immediate vicinity
of the project area.
Middle Prehistoric
Period
Dating from ca. 8,000 - 1,300 BP, this period
is characterized by projectile point types presumably designed for use
with the spear thrower or atlatl. Major complexes or phases include
Mummy Cave, Oxbow, McKean, Pelican Lake, Yonkee, Sandy Creek and Besant.
Cultural groups during this period were predominately bison hunters.
However, certain contemporary groups occupying the area of central and
southern Montana and Wyoming appear to have developed a more diversified
subsistence economy based on hunting a broader spectrum of animal
species, as well as gathering and processing wild plant foods. Evidence
of stone boiling in the form of water fractured, FCR is abundant
throughout both the Middle and Late Prehistoric periods. The presence of
this evidence appears to reflect a major adaptive change in food
processing and storage technologies. Pottery first appears in some
Besant phase sites during the latter part of the Middle Prehistoric
period.
Early side-notched atlatl points,
characteristic of what is identified as the Mummy Cave complex, are well
represented in surface finds at a number of site locales within and
adjacent to the Bears Paw Mountains (Brumley 1988 a, b).
The McKean complex is primarily characterized
by the presence of McKean Lanceolate, Duncan and Hanna atlatl point
forms (Wheeler 1952). Another projectile point form referred to as
Mallory has been found, on occasion, in McKean complex assemblages from
southern Montana to northern Colorado and western Nebraska (Forbis nd;
Lobdell 1973; Morris et al. 1984; Munson 1990; Reher 1979). Mallory
points are not presently known from northern Montana. From central and
southern Montana south, a number of McKean complex sites have produced
grinding slabs and rock lined hearths. These artifacts and features are
commonly interpreted as reflecting an increased reliance on plant foods
during McKean complex times (Frison 1991; Keyser 1986). Further north on
the Canadian Plains, similar evidence is lacking with McKean peoples
predominately hunting bison for subsistence (Brumley 1975, 1978). In
northern Montana, McKean Lanceolate, Duncan, and Hanna projectile points
are common in surface collections. However, no excavated or dated
cultural assemblages have as yet been reported.
The Pelican Lake complex is recognized by most
researchers as characterized by atlatl size, corner-notched projectile
points. A small number of Pelican Lake assemblages contain a few very
small corner-notched, arrow point size projectiles, which suggest the
limited presence or coexistence of the bow and arrow along with the
atlatl. The few presently available radiocarbon dates for the Pelican
Lake assemblages containing these small points are all from sites
situated on the Canadian Plains. These dates are quite early in terms of
the overall time span for the Pelican Lake complex, suggesting the
atlatl was not just being replaced by the bow, but may have coexisted
with it for a long period of time as a minor or secondary weaponry
system.
Brumley and Rennie (1993) note a trait
dichotomy within the northern and southern expressions of the McKean,
Pelican lake and Avonlea phases. Southerly (from ca. central Montana
south) assemblages of these complexes/phases are characterized by the
occasional to frequent presence of rock lined hearths and/or grinding
slabs. These traits are presently, totally absent from more northerly
assemblages of these phases/complexes.
Within the general study area, Davis and
Stallcop (1965) report on excavations conducted at the Keaster site
(24PH401), a multi‑occupational bison kill site located in the south of
Phillips County, a short distance west of the Little Rockies. Another
poorly known cultural complex referred to as Sandy Creek has been
defined by Dyck (1983). Present evidence suggests Sandy Creek to be
temporally intermediate and related to both earlier Oxbow and later
Besant. Sandy Creek is characterized by rather non-descript,
side-notched atlatl points which, out of dated contexts, could fit into
the range of variation of points found associated with Mummy Cave, Oxbow
and Besant complex assemblages. Such non-descript points are abundant in
surface collections from the Bears Paw Mountains (Brumley 1988 a-b), and
may reflect the presence of this phase within northern Montana.
Particularly abundant in northern Montana
during the latter part of the Middle Prehistoric period are materials
referable to the Besant complex. The primary diagnostic of the Besant
complex are atlatl sized, shallow side-notched projectile points. The
range of variation in point form from some Besant assemblages is broad
and appears to overlap in part with projectile points of the earlier
Mummy Cave complex and Sandy Creek phases, to which Besant peoples have
been suggested to be related (Brumley and Dau 1988; Brumley and Rennie
1993).
Herdegen's Birdtail Butte site (24BL1152) is a
small but extensively utilized campsite and bison jump located near the
southeast margins of the Bears Paw Mountains. Diagnostic projectile
points recovered from the surface in the campsite portion of the site
include materials referable to the McKean, Pelican Lake, Besant,
Avonlea, and Prairie/Plains complexes of the Middle and Late Prehistoric
periods. Test excavations within the bison jump portion of the site
revealed a series of 16 stratigraphic units within four meters of
sediments.
Small, arrow point sized versions of Besant
projectile points have been found in some late Besant assemblages and
are referred to as Samantha points. The presence of Samantha points is
believed to reflect late Besant assemblages, when the transition from
use of the atlatl to the bow and arrow was taking place. Ceramics have
also been found in some Besant assemblages. It appears that ceramics
become more frequent in Besant assemblages as one proceeds east toward
the Dakotas. In northern Montana, the only Besant ceramic association
known to the junior author is from a surface blowout site along Tiber
Reservoir (Brumley nd).
Late Prehistoric Period
Dating from ca. 100 AD to Historic times, this
Period is characterized by projectile points clearly intended for use
with the bow and arrow. Point forms include a variety of un-notched,
stemmed and notched forms. Bison hunting remained the primary
subsistence activity. Communal bison kills which involved coordinated
efforts by groups of hunters driving number of animals over cliffs, into
corrals, or into natural traps, are present throughout the entire
archaeological record. They appear, however, to reach a peak in both
number and magnitude during the Late Prehistoric.
The Avonlea complex marks the introduction of
the bow and arrow as the dominant weaponry system on the northwestern
Plains. The complex is defined largely on the basis of a form of
delicate, very well made, side-notched arrow point. Small, well made
corner-notched arrow points referred to by Reeves (1983) as
Head-Smashed-In Corner-Notched have been found in several Avonlea
assemblages, usually occurring in very low frequency or as single
specimens. Avonlea materials are abundant in the project area, with
sites consisting of both bison kills and campsites. Well documented
Avonlea sites in northern Montana include Timber Ridge (Davis 1966),
Three Buttes (Brekke 1969), Lost Terrace (Davis and Fisher 1988), Wahkpa
Chu'gn (Davis and Stallcop 1966), Herdegen's Birdtail Butte (Brumley
1990), Henry Smith (Ruebelmann 1988), Fantasy, Beaver Bend, and TRJ (Tratebas
and Johnson 1988). Ceramics are reported only from the Fantasy site.
Avonlea, because of its frequent occurrence and highly distinctive
character, has received considerable attention from researchers both
within and outside northern Montana (Davis 1988). It is clearly the best
documented cultural complex in northern Montana.
The second major projectile point complex
recognized here for the Late Prehistoric, is termed the Prairie/Plains
side‑notched complex. Assemblages of this complex are characterized by
a dominance of Prairie/Plains side-notched point forms (Brumley and Dau
1988). It should be emphasized that the Prairie/Plains complex
encompasses a broad range of cultural variation.
The Protohistoric -
Historic Period
One of the first group of explorers to examine
portions of northern Montana were Lewis and Clark, who viewed the region
along the Missouri River valley in May of 1805 and again in July of 1806
(Coues 1893). Then and throughout the Historic Period, north central
Montana was occupied principally by the Atsina and Gros Ventres, and
secondarily by the Assinniboine and Blackfoot. Archaeological sites
known to date to the Protohistoric - Early Historic period, however, are
quite rare in northern Montana. Brumley (1966) and Milne-Brumley (1974)
documented historic human burials along the Milk River valley near and
north of Havre, and Ann Johnson (1975) described a petroglyph boulder
near the Missouri River valley depicting horse hoofprints.
Although archaeological investigations within
northern Montana began to increase beginning in the 1960s and have
contributed to the development and continued refinement of local and
regional culture history models, no record of previous professional
cultural resources inventories or other studies exists specifically
within the defined Bear’s Paw Battlefield study area were identified
(Kurtz 1994). However, Passmann (1990) reports on the results of a
negative inventory of a proposed stockwater reservoir immediately
outside the defined study.
Although as yet not fully documented, in 1992
and in several subsequent years former Blaine County museum director
Leroy Anderson and amateur archaeologist Paul English personally
conducted an informal but thorough surface inventory within much of the
Bear’s Paw Battlefield study area. Presently, materials they have
identified in that study as being of definite or probable prehistoric
age consist solely of surface stone features. Anderson and English have
plotted many of the identified surface stone features on field maps.
They have recorded the locations of approximately 90 tipi ring sized
stone circles; 25 individual stone cairns, and nine stone alignments or
drive lines. It should be pointed out that none of the materials
identified by Anderson and English have yet been formally recorded as
defined sites. Further, complete counts of surface stone features within
the project area were apparently not taken. Certain features of a
problematic nature were excluded. The information gathered through the
efforts of Anderson and English, however, provide the only available
dataset specific to the study area from which it is possible to make
general statements regarding the kinds and quantities of cultural
resources that are or may be present.
Prehistoric and Protohistoric Site Types Found During Inventory
Lithic scatter
Lithic scatters usually consist of limited
to extensive quantities of cultural materials largely or totally
exposed atop the ground surface. Observed materials most commonly
consists of chipped stone debitage and/or fire cracked rock (FCR) with
even more limited quantities of well-made stone tools and tool
fragments. Most lithic scatters within the project region are situated
on stable ground surfaces or exposed in slightly eroded areas and; in
the former case at least - lack stratification, preserved datable
organics, and diagnostic artifacts.
A single fire cracked rock with six
associated pieces of debitage was found in the
park. The find
area was covered in moderate to heavy
vegetation and the ground surface could not be fully examined. The few
flakes appear to have derived from locally available quartzite and
argillite cobbles. Age and function could not be determined.
Stone Circles
Surface stone circles, consisting of locally
available unmodified stone, are the most common class of
archaeological sites/features found within northern Montana.
Typically, stone circles within northern Montana consist of ovate to
roughly circular concentrations of large cobble to small boulder size
stones.
A total of 36 stone circles were found
during the field investigations. These stone circles varied in
diameter from 2.5 meters to 6 meters. These were also made up of small
to moderately sized cobbles.
During
the 2000 inventory 30 wooden stakes were found and recorded that
probably relate to the Anderson and English 1992 inventory conducted
after a range fire. Anderson and English, based on their maps noted at
least 52 stone circles and sixteen cairns in this same area. Dense
vegetation prevented the crew from determining if the identified
wooden stakes represented stone circles, cairns, or other features.
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Fig 3 Plot of the sites and features found during the 2000 inventory work.
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Fig 4. Andy Anderson standing at a stone circle site he found in 1992.
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Fig 4. Plot of the Anderson-English stone circles, cairns, rock alignments, and riflepits found during their post-burn inventory in 1992.
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Cairns and Rock Alignments
Cairns are another type of surface stone
feature common within the project region. Rennie and Brumley (1994)
define them as small to large piles of cobble to boulder size stones.
They state cairns can vary significantly in size consisting of
anywhere from 2 - 3 stones, to massive structures containing several
tons of stone. Cairns can be found as separate structures, or as
elements of larger features such as stone alignments. In addition to
having been constructed by historic and prehistoric native peoples,
cairns were also constructed by historic Euro-Americans-particularly
while clearing cultivated lands of stone. In determining whether
specific cairns are associated with the activities of past Native
Americans or historic Euro-American activities Rennie and Brumley
(1994) define four primary characteristics of a cairn:
1) the location of the structure in
relation to evidence of other prehistoric or historic materials or
activities;
2) the extent of sodding around the stones
comprising a cairn;
3) the extent of lichen cover on the
exposed surfaces of the stones comprising a cairn;
4) the nature of any associated cultural
materials
The
2000 field investigations noted and recorded 31 rock piles that meet
the criteria of cairns (Figure 6). Two rock piles are most likely rock
rubble piles resulting from recent field clearing work.
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Fig 6. A stone cairn site used by soldiers during the battle. Andy Anderson and Paul English found army cartridge cases at this locale.
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The remaining 29 are small piles of rocks and
cobbles scattered over the. Their age and function could not be reliably
determined from the available evidence. Anderson and English plotted at
least 32 cairns (Figure 5) in 1991 in the same general areas.
Linear surface stone features consisting of a
series of cairns and/or solid lines of rocks are another class of
surface stone feature common to northern Montana according to Rennie and
Brumley (1994). Such features are generally interpreted as reflecting
past communal ungulate hunting activities by Native Americans.
The current project recorded ten rock
alignments. Twelve stone alignments have been identified by Anderson and
English in the course of their inventory within the project area. Ten
roughly correlate with the ten found during the current project work.
The Battle Context -- A Brief History
The final battle of the
Nez Perce War of 1877 took place in the valley and on the surrounding
terraces of Snake Creek. Detailed accounts of the battle can be found in
McWhorter (1986; 1991), Beal (1963), Ege (1982), Brady (1916), Hare
(1916), and Greene (1995) among others. The Bear Paw battle, for the
purposes of this archeological report, is only briefly summarized.
The Nez Perce after
fighting a number of pitched battles and several skirmishes were moving
north toward Canada. They halted on Snake Creek, north of the Bear Paw
Mountains, in late September to rest themselves and their weary horses.
The Nez Perce had outrun General O. O. Howard's command, and believed
themselves to be in a position to rest without fear of attack.
The Nez Perce were unaware
that Colonel Nelson A. Miles had mounted an expedition to find the Nez
Perce, composed of two companies of the Second Cavalry, three of the
Seventh, four of the Fifth Infantry mounted on captured Sioux horses,
two unmounted Fifth Infantry companies, a 1.65 inch (42mm) Hotchkiss
cannon, and a twelve pound Napoleon cannon, as well as an attendant
supporting wagon train.
During the morning hours
of September 30, Miles began an attack on the Nez Perce village that lay
in a shallow crescent shaped valley. High bluffs and terraces dominated
the valley. Miles deployed Companies F and H, Second Cavalry to capture
the horse herd. These companies moved north and west. Their movements
were further west than intended, but they succeed in capturing most of
the herd. Company G of the Second pursued some Nez Perce, who escaped
the camp, and engaged them about five miles north of the Bear Paw
battlefield.
Companies A, D, and K,
Seventh Cavalry attacked the village from the south side, but were
repulsed with significant losses. Several charges were made by the army
during the day. Mounted elements of the Fifth Infantry moved along the
village's eastern bluffs and engaged the Nez Perce. Nez Perce losses
were about twenty-two killed, although casualties were costly to the
small Nez Perce force. The Nez Perce used the terrain effectively and
dug riflepits to provide cover for the warriors. The Nez Perce
effectively held their ground, giving way slightly to the ever
tightening circle of soldiers.
By evening Miles had
effectively encircled the village, although White Bird and about 50
other Nez Perce escaped and finally reached haven in Canada. Miles could
not destroy or capture the village without additional significant
losses. He brought up the artillery and bombarded the camp. Skirmishing
from riflepits continued for the next three days. Neither side made any
headway.
Howard, with his command,
arrived on October 3 and the stalemate was broken. Joseph surrendered
his band on October 5. The Nez Perce had twenty-five killed with at
least 46 wounded. The army had twenty-three killed and 45 wounded. At
least one and possibly two wounded later died. Of the soldier dead all
but four were Seventh Cavalrymen. The soldier dead were buried on the
field, on the terrace south of the village site. The remains were later
exhumed and moved to Custer National Cemetery. The Nez Perce dead were
also buried on the field, and probably remain there today.
Relic Collecting and Metal Detecting at Bear Paw
Relic collecting at the
site of the Bear Paw battlefield has been a local recreational activity
for at least 40 years according to several local informants, including
Andy Anderson, Paul English, Gordon Pouliot, and Seasonal Ranger Jim
Magara. Perhaps one of the first persons to undertake examination and
documentation of the battle's physical evidence was L. V. McWhorter.
McWhorter's interest in the Nez Perce Campaign is legendary.
Accompanying battle participants, primarily Nez Perce, McWhorter
ventured to the various battlefields of 1877 and recorded the memories
of the participants. McWhorter, using wooden stakes, marked many of the
sites and features pointed out to him by the then elderly participants
(copies of the maps and notes are on file at Big Hole Battlefield and
Midwest Archeological Center). In 1935 and 1936 C. R. Noyes mapped the
staked locations with chain and transit (Figure 7). Noyes produced the
first truly accurate map (a copy of the map is on file at Big Hole
Battlefield and Midwest Archeological Center) of the field with the
primary landscape denoted as well as the locations staked by McWhorter
and the Nez Perce battle participants.
It is well known that the
Bear Paw battlefield was a ripe area for finding relics related to the
battle. Incidental and serious collectors ranged over the site for many
years. Unfortunately, most of these efforts have gone undocumented.
Fortunately, there are several notable exceptions.
Thain White visited and
extensively researched and collected the site from the late 1950s
through at least 1975 (Figure 8). White relied heavily on the Noyes map
for his collection efforts. He transcribed Noyes survey fieldnotes (A
copy is on file at Big Hole Battlefield and Midwest Archeological
Center), thus saving them for current research efforts, as well as
transcribing many of McWhorter's notes related to incidents during the
battle. Gordon Pouliot (personal communication July 23, 1994) indicated
he had metal detected the area with White. Both produced reasonably
extensive documentation of their finds (copies on file at Big Hole
Battlefield and Midwest Archeological Center). The documentation focuses
primarily on artifact descriptions rather than where individual items
were found. While this information is not as precise as we might wish it
by today's standards, it, nevertheless, remains very good documentation
of their collection efforts and finds. This is particularly true of
White's collection. White loaned his collection to a now defunct museum
in Spokane, Washington. When the collection was transferred to the
Cheney-Cowles Museum, and subsequently returned to White, many artifacts
were found to be missing.
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Fig 8. A portion of Thain White's Bear Paw battle relic collection on display at the Blaine County Museum, Chinook, Montana.
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White also took the
trouble to document the O. W. Judge collection of Bear Paw artifacts
(copy on file Big Hole Battlefield and Midwest Archeological Center).
Judge, another avid collector found the items on the field in 1962.
White recorded these finds in the same consistent manner he had recorded
his own collecting efforts. Thus White's documentation remains a primary
resource in determining the type and quantity of artifacts associated
with the battlefield commonly found during the era he collected. The
remaining artifacts from Bear Paw are now on loan and displayed at the
Blaine County Museum thanks to the diligent efforts of Andy Anderson.
Gordon Pouliot also has an
extensive collection of Bear Paw material (Figure 9). It is still in his
personal possession. His collection, or at least a portion, is displayed
in show cases in an outbuilding on his property. The Pouliot material
from Bear Paw duplicated the White collection, although included among
the artifacts are a large group of crushed .45-70 cartridge cases, all
smashed in the same manner. It is suspected these are army cases
probably crushed in obedience of orders to keep the Nez Perce from
capturing them for reloading ammunition.
Another collector of the
1960s and early 1970s was Norman Johnson. Mr. Johnson also documented
his find locales (copy on file Midwest Archeological Center). Most of
his collection now resides in the Blaine County Museum, where it is on
display (Figure 10).
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Fig 9. The Gordon Pouliot Bear Paw battle relic collection, photographed at his home.
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Fig 10. The Norman Johnson Bear Paw battle relic collection of artillery shell fragments on display at the Blaine County Museum, Chinook, Montana.
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Leroy, "Andy", Anderson is
another avid Bear Paw researcher and park supporter. He, Paul English,
and a few others began a metal detector and visual inventory of the
battlefield and surrounding area after a range fire in 1991. They too
have documented their find locations (a copy of the notes and map is on
file at Bear Paw and Midwest Archeological Center. The map is included
as part of the Rennie and Brumley (1994) prehistoric overview. Among
their finds are .45-70 cartridge cases and tincans. The cans and
cartridge cases where found outside the boundary fence when they were
staking the various features found after the fire. Most cartridge cases
are 45-70 Benet primed. Both short and long crimp internally primed
cases are present. There are two externally primed with slightly convex
heads in Anderson's collection which may post-date the battle. The can
tops and one body may be period. They are all hole-in-top with heavy
solder. Two are rectangular meat can types, but all are small. The round
type may be a size 2 or 2 1/2.
Table 1
Summary of Artifact Types Collected at Bear Paw
Battlefield
| Artifact Type |
White
Collection |
Pouliot Collection |
Johnson Collection |
Anderson Collection |
Total English Collection |
|
44 Henry
Cartridges
|
|
1 |
|
|
1 |
|
44 Henry
Cart. Cases
|
15 |
26 |
3 |
1 |
45 |
|
44-40 Cartridges |
1 |
|
|
|
1 |
|
44-40 Cart. Cases |
13 |
|
|
|
13 |
|
44 Bullets |
8 |
5 |
|
|
13 |
|
45-70 Cartridges |
16 |
9 |
8 |
|
33 |
|
45-70 Cart. Cases |
410 |
200+ |
108 |
18 |
736+ |
|
45-70 Benet Primers |
14 |
|
|
|
14 |
|
45-70 Bullets |
278 |
75+ |
67 |
2 |
422+ |
|
45 Colt Carts. |
9 |
6 |
1 |
|
16 |
|
45 Colt Cases |
13 |
9 |
|
|
22 |
|
45 Colt Bullets |
5 |
4 |
|
|
9 |
|
50-70 Cartridges |
|
4 |
|
|
4 |
|
50-70 Cart. Cases |
7 |
11 |
2 |
|
20 |
|
50-70 Bullets |
8 |
2 |
1 |
|
11 |
|
Misc. Bullets
and Balls |
|
14 |
1 |
|
15 |
|
Misc. Cart. Cases |
5 |
2 |
4 |
2 |
13 |
|
Lead Frags. |
20 |
|
1 |
|
21 |
|
12-pound
Cannon Shell
Frags. |
2 |
4 |
2 |
|
8 |
|
Bormann Fuses |
2 |
|
|
|
2 |
|
Canister Balls |
106 |
22 |
9 |
|
137 |
|
1.65" Hotchkiss
Shell Frags. |
13 |
7 |
9 |
|
29 |
|
1.65" Hotchkiss
Fuse Frags. |
2 |
2 |
1 |
|
5 |
|
1.65" Hotchkiss
Brass Band Frags.
|
11 |
2 |
4 |
|
17 |
|
Misc. Artifacts |
28 |
43 |
20+ |
9 |
100+ |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Total |
|
|
|
|
1706+ |
Battle-related Features Recorded During the Inventory
The battlefield has a number of currently
visible features associated with the battle. Some are marked and
interpreted. Riflepits are present and easily seen on all portions of
the battlefield.
Fifty-five depressions were recorded during
the current project that appear to fit the criteria for riflepits or
shelter pits, perhaps more properly called hasty entrenchments.
Thirty-two of the depressions or entrenchments were found and recorded
in the village area and on the ridges above the village site (Figures
11, 12, 13, 14). Thirteen were recorded in six different locales south
and east of the army positions, (Figures 15, 16, 17) and ten were
recorded about west of the village area.
These
latter ten are the cannon emplacement and associated riflepits used by
the artillery crew and its protective force during the bombardment of
the Nez Perce village during the battle. The 12 lb Napoleon cannon
emplacement is a large pit with eight riflepits located north and
south of the large pit. The arrangement is linear.
|
|
|
Fig 11. A Nez Perce riflepit located on the east bluff.
|
|
|
|
Fig 12. 1930s photograph of Nez Perce shelter pits located in ravine at the siege area. The white arrows point to shelter pits. Courtesy Blaine Museum
|
|
|
|
Fig 13. A 1930s photograph by C. R. Noyes of some of the Nez Perce riflepits, marked by the white arrows. Photograph courtesy Blaine County Museum.
|
|
|
|
Fig 14. A large Nez Perce shelter pit located in the camp area.
|
|
|
|
Fig 15. One of the Nez Perce riflepits on the East Bluff taken in the 1930s. Photograph courtesy of the Blaine County Museum.
|
|
|
|
|
Fig 16. An army riflepit with boulders piled on the military side and overlooking a ravine.
|
|
|
|
Fig 17. Andy Anderson sitting in an army riflepit located east of the park boundary.
|
|
|
The thirteen hasty entrenchments found south
and east of the village area are uniquely situated. These riflepits
are situated so they overlook the logical routes of movement to and
from the village. It is likely these depressions are hasty
entrenchments placed in strategic locations to thwart any Nez Perce
trying to leave or enter the village via cover provided by the
coulees.
When mentions of entrenchments occur in the Indian War literature they
are often referred to as hastily dug entrenchments, quickly dug, a
mound of earth thrown up for protection, or a shallow riflepit. Such
statements leave the impression of a haphazard construction to meet an
immediate and life-threatening need. These references also convey a
feeling of unpreparedness on the part of those constructing the
earthwork; a lack of familiarity, training, or knowledge of the
purpose or use of a earthwork, beyond that of turning a few bullets in
the immediate engagement. None of this could be further from the
truth.
The common perception of military engagements in the west is one of a
running fight between antagonists or hit and run tactics of Indians
versus the Euro-American encroacher. A review of the historic
literature relating to the Indian War era demonstrates that various
types of earthworks were used in combat situations between Native
Americans and Euro-Americans. An interesting sidelight is that Native
Americans did construct and utilize several types of entrenchments in
much the same manner as the Anglo-American combatants. Limited
archeological investigation (Bray 1958; Scott 1994) of earthworks in
the trans-Mississippi West demonstrates that the earthworks
constructed by Euro-Americans, specifically soldiers, were not hasty
or haphazard as is the common perception. They were constructed
according to procedure outlined in various military guides of the
period.
The American classic, and one that guided the construction of earthworks
in the Mexican War and the Civil War, is D. H. Mahan's 1836 A
Complete Treatise on Field Fortification, with the General Outlines of
the Principles Regulating the Arrangement, the Attack, and the Defense
of Permanent Works. Hasty fortifications were defined as those
constructed so that troops could take better advantage of the
opportunities of natural cover (Mahan 1847). Nevertheless, hasty
entrenchments were not to be the rule. American and, for that matter,
European military thought was dominated by the concept of massed
frontal assault. The use of entrenchments was to play a defensive
role.
Dennis Mahan's treatise on field fortifications was uniquely American,
in that it recognized most American wars would be fought by militia
and only the few regulars would be the most disciplined. If defense
was necessary then the militia could build and occupy field
fortifications strong enough to resist the enemy's frontal assault
until a well organized counter assault could displace them (Hagerman
1965).
Not until the latter part of the nineteenth century did military
theorists begin to formalize the concept of small unit tactics. Small
unit movement, essentially the squad level, was first introduced in
Emory Upton's 1872 Infantry Tactics, but these were not small
unit fighting tactics, only mechanical movements.
Unfortunately the U.S. Army published few formal field manuals for small
units before the beginning of the 20th century. However, a number of
practical guides for officers were privately published throughout the
century to bridge the gap left by the lack of official guidance
available outside the West Point classroom. One of the most used
guides was Mountain Scouting by Captain Edward Farrow. Farrow
was an instructor at West Point when he wrote his practical guide in
1881. He had seen active field service during the Nez Perce campaign
of 1877 and was with Howard, when he arrived at the Big Hole. Farrow
(1881:243) noted "The history of all battles of late years has shown
the expediency of making use of natural shelter or constructing field
entrenchment's.''
Military manuals of the early twentieth century are more structured than
Farrow's instructions, but they describe essentially the same
procedure for digging riflepits and trenches in the face of the enemy.
Moss (1918:385-7) is a good example of such a work, and provides some
clear definitions of the purpose of such works.
Moss (1918:385) states the object of field fortifications are twofold;
first to increase the fighting power of the troops by enabling the
soldier to use his weapons with the greatest possible effect, and
second to protect the soldier against the enemy's fire. While the
military objective might be stated in that order, the doughboy might
have reversed the priority order.
Although written nearly forty years after Farrow's 1881 publication the
Moss description of entrenchment methods and types is very similar. It
can be argued that riflepits or hasty entrenchments, those meant to be
constructed in the face of the enemy, did not change in type or need.
Even the World War II "foxhole" as described in the manuals of that
period do not differ significantly in purpose or construction from
that advocated by Farrow in 1881.
The strong similarity in size and construction method of the
archeological examples of riflepits at Fort Dilts (Haury 1989), Big
Hole battlefield (Scott 1994), the Reno-Benteen defense site (Bray
1958) and Bear Paw battlefield, to the methods of entrenchment
described in the period manuals emphasizes that the term hasty
entrenchment does not mean haphazard. Hasty entrenchments were a real
type of earthwork that were constructed in a prescribed manner.
Organized forces requiring hasty entrenchments to be dug in the
presence of the enemy were trained and disciplined, and thus dug their
hasty entrenchments in the manner in which they had been trained.
Subjectively, the Nez Perce riflepits are
more irregular in outline than the known army riflepits. The
differences probably reflects the cultural practices of the two
combatant groups, and as such could be the subject of further
archeological investigation and interpretation.
Another prominent feature on the field, is
the site of the army's mass grave (Figures 18, 19).
The burials were removed many years ago, but the pit or trench
is still very visible.
Fragments of human bone, army uniform buttons, boots, and items of
equipment are reported to have been found in the excavated trench and
in the backdirt pile over the years according to Andy Anderson and
Seasonal Ranger Jim Magara.
This location was mapped during the current project.
Only one battle era artifact was seen and
recorded during the field investigations. This is a .45-caliber 405
grain lead bullet. The bullet had been fired in a .45-caliber
Springfield Army rifle or carbine.
|
|
|
Fig 19. The army mass grave in its current condition.
|
|
|
|
Fig 18. 1930's photograph of soldier's mass grave. Note the edges have been recently cleaned and the pit squared up. Photograph courtesy Blaine Co Mus
|
|
|
Late Historic Period Artifacts and Features
Two late nineteenth or
early twentieth century trash dumps, two dugouts (Figure 3), and a
single isolated ceramic fragment were recorded during the field work.
The ceramic fragment was found near the park's southeast corner, but
outside the boundary. It is a fragment of white ironstone.
A trash dump or trash
scatter containing miscellaneous metal and portions of a ceramic
figurine were located south of the park boundary fence near the highway,
approximately 650 meters south southwest of the monuments.
A second trash scatter
associated with two dugouts cut into a ravine sideslope was recorded 530
meters northwest of the monuments. The trash scatter contained a variety
of metal and glass. The glass was from bottle and jars. The diagnostic
material, scattered over a 50 meter area on the flat above the ravine,
dated to the early twentieth century, certainly the first quarter of the
century.
One dug out was
immediately west of the trash scatter. It was an irregularly shaped, but
roughly rectangular depression about 8 meters long east to west and 4
meters wide north to south. This may have been the site of a shed or
root cellar. The second depression was cut into a south facing bank of the
ravine as it curved from north to northwest. The depression is about 20
meters long east to west and 8 meters wide north to south. This may have
been the site of a domestic structure, possibly a house.
General Observations
The Anderson-English work
in 1992 recorded 147 possible features exclusive of riflepits (Figure
5). These possible features included 103 stone circles, 32 cairns, and
12 rock alignments. The 2000 archeological inventory recorded 36 stone
circles, 29 cairns, ten rock alignments or portions thereof, and 66
wooden stake location (Figure 3). The stake locations had such dense
vegetation covering the area that the feature the stake marked could not
be discerned. Exclusive of the stake locations and riflepits the 2000
project recorded 75 features. The 2000 project recorded 51% of the
features found by Anderson and English after the 1991 range fire. If the
stake locations are factored in then the 2000 project found 141
locations, exclusive of riflepits or 96% of the Anderson and English
find locations. Since the
vegetation was too dense to identify the stake locations in 2000, it
more appropriate to say that only 51% of the 1991 features were
relocated (Figure 20).
Anderson and English
recorded eighteen possible riflepit locations in 1991. They did not
record any riflepits in the Nez Perce village area. Instead their
riflepit locations are in the southeast area of the park and outside the
boundary. The 2000 project recorded 46 riflepits, most of which are in
the village area. Excluding the village riflepits, the 2000 project
recorded twelve riflepits around the park and east and south of the
boundary. While there is some correlation between the two projects'
riflepit locations, it is general at best (Figure 20). For instance, the
current project did not record as many riflepits near the southeast
corner as Anderson and English did, three versus twelve, respectively.
The differences may be due to several factors. One is the density of the
vegetation change between 1991 and 2000. A second difference is the
unwillingness of this author to call every subtle depression a riflepit,
if they do not meet any other criteria for hasty entrenchments, such as
a definitive earth berm or rocks placed more on the firing side than the
other.
C. R. Noyes mapped the L.
V. McWhorter stake locations in 1935 and 1936. According to the map,
Noyes placed 153 stakes around the field indicating the locations of
riflepits, Nez Perce tepee sites, and various other features and locales
associated with the Bear Paw battle. The staked locations were replaced
by numbered metal capped rebar several years ago. Those metal stakes
were cut down and set flush with the ground in 1998. The 2000 visual
inventory found only 45 of the Noyes/McWhorter staked sites, or a little
over 29%. The thick grass prevented the team from seeing most of the
staked locations. If metal detectors had been employed to find the
locations, there is little doubt that many more would have been found.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The Bear Paw battlefield
is well known and physical evidence of the battle has been collected by
the various metal detectorists.
Some of these collecting efforts are documented.
Copies of various notes and collections descriptions are on file
at Big Hole Battlefield, Bear Paw Battlefield, and Midwest Archeological
Center. The McWhorter stake locations as depicted on the Noyes map was
digitized using AutoCad in 1994 (Scott 1995). The 2000 inventory used a
total station transit and a GPS unit to map the locations of all field
finds. Using Noyes survey stations, several of which were recorded
during the 2000 inventory, as registration points in the AutoCad map the
2000 data was imported to a copy of the 1994 digitized version. The
correlation between the points is not perfect. There is a relatively
consistent error between the digitized Noyes stake locations and those
Noyes stakes mapped in 2000. That error is about 13 meters between the
digitized version and the 2000 version. There is a greater error
observed between the Anderson-English digitized locations and the 2000
mapped locations of the same features. We believe the error between the
digitized Noyes locations and the 2000 mapped Noyes stakes is due to
standard error commonly found in digitizing data from photocopied maps
rather than the original map, use of the only available USGS 7.5 minute
quadrangle maps that are over 20 years old, as well as minors errors on
the original map, and minor registration errors in the digitizing. These
can be rectified with further detailed mapping of the site at some point
in the future.
The differences between
the Anderson-English locations and those same features mapped in 2000
are relatively straightforward. Anderson and English used the available
orthophoto map of the area on which they plotted their finds sites by
eyeball. Without clear and easily defined reference points some error in
plotting occurred. The differences in the 1991 data and the 2000 mapped
data are noticeable but not extreme. The 2000 mapped data are the more
precise.
Regardless of accuracy in
the 2000 mapping, one is struck by the significantly lower numbers of
features found and recorded by the current effort than those of previous
efforts. Compared to the Anderson-English 1991 work, the 2000 team only
found 51% of those features. Even allowing for inter-observer error,
this is a significant difference. While the 2000 team did find 96% of
the Anderson-English staked locales the dense grass growth since 1991
obscured our ability to determine what was at most of those staked
locations.
The effect of the dense
grass growth is doubly noted when comparing the known Noyes stake
locations versus those recorded in 2000. Only 29% could be found by
visual inventory. The dense vegetation matte confounded our ability to
effectively find the previously known sites and features. We estimate
that the 2000 inventory found and recorded, at best, only 30% to 40% of
the known sites and features within the Bear Paw GMP boundary. For this
reason the 2000 inventory effort can only be considered a reconnaissance
level at best. It is also for
this reason that no site forms were generated for this project. Since
only 30% or 40% of the known features were relocated it was determined
that any site forms generated would be full of error and imprecision
that would bias future recording efforts. The data generated for this
project should be considered an initial recording effort and be used as
baseline data for future inventory and recording efforts.
One recommendation
resulting from this inventory is that detailed mapping of sites and
features of the Bear Paw battlefield should continue as opportunities
permit. The 2000 inventory and mapping is incomplete due to the thick
vegetation matte. As prescribed burns are done or the vegetation matte
is reduced by other means, mapping and feature recording should be done
as soon as possible after the event.
At least one conclusion
can be drawn from the previous and current work concerning the
distribution of hasty entrenchments or riflepits. It is patently obvious
that some riflepits were placed at strategic positions overlooking
several deep coulees that could be used for escape or other movements.
The shape of the riflepits found in these locations is relatively
regular and the orientation is generally toward the Nez Perce positions.
It is reasonable to assume that these are army riflepits placed by
design to prevent the Nez Perce from escaping the cordon that was thrown
up around them during the battle. As such their placement is the
physical reality of and provides some additional insight into the
strategy and tactics employed by Nelson Miles and his officers.
Nez Perce and Army
riflepits appear different in construction and design.
In interpreting cultural differences in warfare the riflepits
offer a unique opportunity to explain what constituted appropriate cover
for combatants reared in different cultures.
Several riflepit features are readily visible and conveniently
located adjacent to the current interpretive trail.
These features could be excavated to ascertain their construction
techniques. They could be
compared to one another to determine cultural differences in
construction and further compared to riflepits from other battles to
expand our understanding of how different cultures built and used
riflepits.
The Bear Paw battlefield
has yielded many artifacts to collectors and earlier researchers.
Those extant documented collections form a core of physical
evidence on the battle. They
also demonstrate the research potential of the in situ artifacts.
The battlefield has yielded and undoubtedly still contains patterned
data that can be extracted, analyzed, and interpreted using available
archeological techniques and theory. The battlefield should be systematically metal detected to
recover that patterned information at some point in the future when all
parties can agree to the procedure. The in situ data coupled with
additional analysis of the extant collection has a very high potential
to reveal details of the battle not recorded in the historic record, and
to yield new insights about the battle and its participants
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